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Tuesday, September 23, 2008

John Stuart Mill: On Liberty

Censorship50leaves

Freedom of speech & expression week wouldn't be complete without John Stuart Mill's 1859 classic defense of a liberal society, free thought, and free expression On Liberty, as relevant today in Canada as it was in 19th century England. His case for free expression rests on the fallibility of the individual and the pursuit of truth. I've provided some excerpts of the work below, but you can (and should) read the whole thing in one of these two forms:

1. To read on your screen here.

2. In the form of a podcast, to listen on your mp3 player here.

If all mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind. Were an opinion a personal possession of no value except to the owner; if to be obstructed in the enjoyment of it were simply a private injury, it would make some difference whether the injury was inflicted only on a few persons or on many. But the peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race; posterity as well as the existing generation; those who dissent from the opinion, still more than those who hold it. If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth: if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, produced by its collision with error.


Strange it is, that men should admit the validity of the arguments for free discussion, but object to their being "pushed to an extreme;" not seeing that unless the reasons are good for an extreme case, they are not good for any case. Strange that they should imagine that they are not assuming infallibility when they acknowledge that there should be free discussion on all subjects which can possibly be doubtful, but think that some particular principle or doctrine should be forbidden to be questioned because it is so certain, that is, because they are certain that it is certain. To call any proposition certain, while there is any one who would deny its certainty if permitted, but who is not permitted, is to assume that we ourselves, and those who agree with us, are the judges of certainty, and judges without hearing the other side.


Truth, in the great practical concerns of life, is so much a question of the reconciling and combining of opposites, that very few have minds sufficiently capacious and impartial to make the adjustment with an approach to correctness, and it has to be made by the rough process of a struggle between combatants fighting under hostile banners. On any of the great open questions just enumerated, if either of the two opinions has a better claim than the other, not merely to be tolerated, but to be encouraged and countenanced, it is the one which happens at the particular time and place to be in a minority. That is the opinion which, for the time being, represents the neglected interests, the side of human well-being which is in danger of obtaining less than its share.


Liberty, as a principle, has no application to any state of things anterior to the time when mankind have become capable of being improved by free and equal discussion. Until then, there is nothing for them but implicit obedience to an Akbar or a Charlemagne, if they are so fortunate as to find one. But as soon as mankind have attained the capacity of being guided to their own improvement by conviction or persuasion (a period long since reached in all nations with whom we need here concern ourselves), compulsion, either in the direct form or in that of pains and penalties for non-compliance, is no longer admissible as a means to their own good, and justifiable only for the security of others.


First, if any opinion is compelled to silence, that opinion may, for aught we can certainly know, be true. To deny this is to assume our own infallibility.

Secondly, though the silenced opinion be an error, it may, and very commonly does, contain a portion of truth; and since the general or prevailing opinion on any object is rarely or never the whole truth, it is only by the collision of adverse opinions that the remainder of the truth has any chance of being supplied.

Thirdly, even if the received opinion be not only true, but the whole truth; unless it is suffered to be, and actually is, vigorously and earnestly contested, it will, by most of those who receive it, be held in the manner of a prejudice, with little comprehension or feeling of its rational grounds. And not only this, but, fourthly, the meaning of the doctrine itself will be in danger of being lost, or enfeebled, and deprived of its vital effect on the character and conduct: the dogma becoming a mere formal profession, inefficacious for good, but cumbering the ground, and preventing the growth of any real and heartfelt conviction, from reason or personal experience.

Posted by Kalim Kassam on September 23, 2008 | Permalink

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Comments

Kalim,

Last February, in a reply to a post by Terrence about section 13 of the CHRA, I quoted a passage from Pierre Elliot Trudeau's 1968 book "Federalism and the French Canadians". It seems appropriate to quote it here again:

==========================
"[W]hat can I say to people who never read John Stuart Mill, On Liberty? 'The beliefs which we have most warrant for have no safeguard to rest on, but a standing invitation to the whole world to prove them unfounded.' No man can demand freedom of speech if he finds it a matter of indifference that public debate and free confrontation should be brushed aside as a means of arriving at political truths; these ideas are indissoulubly linked."
==========================

As I pointed out before, this passage comes from the end of the book and was written in the context of defending newspaper publications of articles on both sides of the issue of Quebec separatism, including pro-separatist ones that argue that violent means can be justified in that cause. This was no idle worry at the time, as it was only two years after Trudeau's book was published that the FLQ crisis happened.

Posted by: Fact Check | 2008-09-23 4:33:08 PM



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